Presentations

Abstract

When processing visual objects, we integrate visual, linguistic and spatial information to form an episodic trace. Re-activating one aspect of the episodic trace of an object re-activates the entire bundle making all integrated information available. Using the blank screen paradigm [1], researchers observed that upon processing spoken linguistic input, participants tended to make eye movements on a blank screen, fixating locations that were previously occupied by objects mentioned in the linguistic utterance or were related. Ferreira and colleagues [2] suggested that 'looking at nothing' facilitated memory retrieval. However, this claim lacks convincing empirical support. In Experiment 1, Dutch participants looked at four-object-displays. Three objects were related to a spoken target word. Given the target word 'beker' (beaker), the display featured a phonological (a bear), a shape (a bobbin), a semantic (a fork) competitor, and an unrelated distractor (an umbrella). Participants were asked to name the objects as fast as possible. Subsequently, the objects disappeared. Participants fixated the center of the screen and listened to the target word. They had to carry out a semantic judgment task (indicating in which position an object had appeared that was semantically related to the objects) or a visual shape similarity judgment (indicating the position of the object similar in shape to the target). In both conditions, we observed that participants re-fixated the empty target location before responding. The set-up of Experiment 2 was identical except that we asked participants to maintain fixating the center of the screen while listening to the spoken word and responding. Performance accuracy was significantly lower in Experiment 2 than in Experiment 1. The results indicate that memory retrieval for objects is impaired when participants are not allowed to look at relevant, though empty locations. [1] Altmann, G. (2004). Language-mediated eye movements in the absence of a visual world: the 'blank screen paradigm'. Cognition, 93(2), B79-B87. [2] Ferreira, F., Apel, J., & Henderson, J. M. (2008). Taking a new look at looking at nothing. Trends Cogn Sci, 12(11), 405-410.

Abstract

Sentence formulation requires mapping pre-verbal messages onto linguistic structures. This message-to-language
mapping is often evaluated in eye-tracking tasks where speakers describe pictured events (The dog chased the mailman).
Speakers can begin sentence formulation by quickly selecting the first-fixated character as the sentential starting point
(lexical incrementality), or generating a rudimentary sentence plan based on their construal of the event gist before
selecting a starting point (hierarchical incrementality; Kuchinsky & Bock, 2010). Lexical incrementality predicts fast
divergence of fixations while hierarchical incrementality predicts slower divergence of fixations to the two characters
within 200ms of picture onset.

Abstract

Much evidence demonstrates cerebellar involvement in language [1] but a theoretical framework about its precise role is lacking. In cerebellar motor control an influential model ascribes the cerebellum a predictive role [2]. It has been argued that cerebellar nonmotor regions perform similar computations as motor regions, and both are involved in online prediction [2]. We test this hypothesis by administering repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS) to the right cerebellum, a region implicated in language [3] during a predictive language task. Methods Visual World task [4]: Participants' eye movements were recorded while they listened to sentences and looked at a computer display of an agent and 4 objects, one of which (the target) was mentioned in the sentence. In the Prediction condition the object could be predicted on the basis of the verb; on Control trials it could not. We hypothesised that rTMS to the right cerebellum should make target fixation slower in the Prediction condition, but not in the Control condition. TMS protocol: TMS was delivered between two task blocks. In the cerebellar rTMS group (n = 22) the stimulation site was 1cm down and 3cm right of the inion. Participants received 10min of 1Hz rTMS. In addition, we tested two control groups. In the vertex rTMS group (n = 21), rTMS was applied at the same intensity, duration and frequency as in the cerebellar rTMS group, but over the vertex. In the no stimulation group (n = 22) the coil was placed over the cerebellar stimulation site but no pulses were delivered. Results As hypothesised, participants in the cerebellar rTMS group took longer to fixate the target after TMS in the Prediction condition but not in the Control condition (Block-by-Condition interaction: F(1,21) = 8.848, p = 0.007). This interaction was not found in either the vertex rTMS group (F(1,20) = 0.064, p = 0.802) or the no stimulation group (F(1,21) = 2.461, p = 0.132). Conclusions Here, we show that rTMS to the right cerebellum selectively affects linguistic prediction. These results provide additional evidence that the cerebellum plays a role in language and support theoretical accounts that the cerebellum contributes to nonmotor functions, as it does to motor functions, by online prediction. 1. Strick et al (2009). Cerebellum and nonmotor function. Annu Rev Neurosci, 32, 413-134 2. Miall et al (1993). Is the cerebellum a Smith predictor. J Mot Behav, 25, 203-216 3. Marien et al (2001). The lateralised linguistic cerebellum: a review and a new hypothesis. Brain and Language, 79, 580-600 4. Altmann & Kamide (1999). Incremental interpretation at verbs. Cognition, 73, 247-264

Abstract

In sentence comprehension, readers and listeners often anticipate upcoming information (e.g., Altmann & Kamide, 1999). We investigated two aspects of this process, namely 1) what is pre-activated when anticipating an upcoming word (the contents of predictions), and 2) which cognitive mechanisms are involved. The contents of predictions at the level of meaning could be restricted to functional semantic attributes (e.g., edibility; Altmann & Kamide, 1999). However, when words are processed other types of information can also be activated, such as object shape representations. It is unknown whether this type of information is already activated when upcoming words are predicted. Forty-five adult participants listened to predictable words in sentence contexts (e.g., "In 1969 Neil Armstrong was the first man to set foot on the moon.") while looking at visual displays of four objects. Their eye movements were recorded. There were three conditions: target present (e.g., a moon and three distractor objects that were unrelated to the predictable word in terms of semantics, shape, and phonology), shape competitor (e.g., a tomato and three unrelated distractors), and distractors only (e.g., rice and three other unrelated objects). Across lists, the same pictures and sentences were used in the different conditions. We found that participants already showed a significant bias for the target object (moon) over unrelated distractors several seconds before the target was mentioned, demonstrating that they were predicting. Importantly, there was also a smaller but significant shape competitor (tomato) preference starting at about a second before critical word onset, consistent with predictions involving the referent’s shape. The mechanisms of predictions could be specific to language tasks, or language could use processing principles that are also used in other domains of cognition. We investigated whether performance in non-linguistic prediction is related to prediction in language processing, taking an individual differences approach. In addition to the language processing task, the participants performed a simple cueing task (after Posner, Nissen, & Ogden, 1978). They pressed one of two buttons (left/right) to indicate the location of an X symbol on the screen. On half of the trials, the X was preceded by a neutral cue (+). On the other half, an arrow cue pointing left (<) or right (>) indicated the upcoming X's location with 80% validity (i.e., the arrow cue was correct 80% of the time). The SOA between cue and target was 500 ms. Prediction was quantified as the mean response latency difference between the neutral and valid condition. This measure correlated positively with individual participants' anticipatory target and shape competitor preference (r = .27; r = .45), and was a significant predictor of anticipatory looks in linear mixed-effects regression models of the data. Participants who showed more facilitation from the arrow cues predicted to a higher degree in the linguistic task. This suggests that prediction in language processing may use mechanisms that are also used in other domains of cognition. References Altmann, G. T. M., & Kamide, Y. (1999). Incremental interpretation at verbs: Restricting the domain of subsequent reference. Cognition, 73(3), 247-264. Posner, M. I., Nissen, M. J., & Ogden, W. C. (1978). Attended and unattended processing modes: The role of set for spatial location. In: H.L. Pick, & I.J. Saltzman (Eds.), Modes of perceiving and processing information. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Abstract

The name-picture verification task is often used to assess the difficulty of prelexical processes (object recognition and semantic access) during picture naming. However, whether to use responses from word-picture match or from mismatch trials to index the difficulty of pre-lexical processes is debated. Levelt (2002) argued for the use of mismatch trials because on match trials the printed object name might facilitate picture recognition. However, in a study with speakers of Spanish Stadthagen-Gonzalez et al. (2009) showed that visual and conceptual properties of objects only correlated with the latencies of match responses but not with those of mismatch responses and therefore advocated the use of match responses. The present study aimed to replicate Stadthagen- Gonzalez et al. (2009) findings using native British English speakers and English norms for non-lexical and lexical variables. We replicated the finding that non-lexical variables affected the speed of match, but not mismatch responses. However, in addition, we found that lexical variables also affected the speed of match responses, which means that these latencies need to be interpreted with caution. In other words, neither match nor mismatch responses seem ideally suited to assess the difficulty of pre-lexical processes in picture naming. Levelt, W. J. M. (2002). Picture naming and word frequency. Language and Cognitive Processes, 17, 663–671. Stadthagen-Gonzalez, H., Damian, M. F., Pérez, M. A., Bowers, J. S., & Marín, J. (2009). Name-picture verification as a control measure for object naming: A task analysis and norms for a

Abstract

As the popularity of sending messages electronically increased, so did the necessity of conveying messages more efficiently. A popular way of increasing efficiency is to use shortcuts such as gr8 “great” or cu “see you”. The aim of the study was to investigate whether such abbreviations have their own lexical representations or whether they are recorded into the words they stand for. We used associative masked and overt priming in lexical decision tasks. Primes were text shortcuts and their corresponding words. Targets were words that were associatively related to the prime (e.g., cu/see you – GOODBYE), associatively related to a part of the prime (e.g., cu/see you – LOOK) or unrelated to the prime and any part of the prime (e.g., 4u/for you – GOODBYE; 4u/for you – LOOK). In both tasks, responses were faster to targets preceded by related compared to unrelated primes (shortcuts and words). In the overt priming task, we in addition found faster responses when the target was related to a part of the prime. However, this effect was present only for word but not for shortcut primes. These results indicate that shortcuts have their own lexical representations that are independent of the representations of the individual words they replace.

Abstract

Ik laat zien dat het gebruik van sms- en msn-afkortingen geen schadelijke gevolgen heeft op het begrip van geschreven taal zoals blijkt uit een reeks van experimenten. Sterker nog, afkortingen hebben een eigen representatie in ons mentale woordenboek (bijvoorbeeld ‘iig’) en worden niet vertaald naar woorden waaruit ze bestaan (bijvoorbeeld ‘in ieder geval’). Het gebruik van korte tekstberichten via mobiele telefoons en e-mail neemt steeds meer toe en daardoor worden steeds meer afkortingen en acroniemen in de taal gebruikt. Momenteel worden er wereldwijd naar schatting 2000 miljard sms-jes per jaar verstuurd. In Nederland en België sms’t ongeveer 80% van de jongeren regelmatig, en ongeveer 70% van hen gebruikt sms-taal (Daniels, 2009). Het gebruik van afkortingen heeft de schuld gekregen van de verloedering van de Nederlandse taal, iets dat men terug zou zien in de kwaliteit van het Nederlands in e-mails en brieven. Verder gebruik van afkortingen zou de communicatie verslechteren tussen de gebruikers van afkortingen en niet gebruikers, bijvoorbeeld tussen studenten en docenten. De vraag is of dat echt zo is. Uit mijn onderzoek blijkt dat het begrijpen van een tekst niet leidt onder het gebruik van afkortingen in de zinnen

Abstract

Earlier research has shown that speakers naming object pairs can retrieve their names in parallel, but often fail to do so. The conditions for the occurrence of parallel object processing are largely unknown. We examined how associations between objects affected the speakers’ processing strategies. In Experiment 1, participants named object triplets in a left-right-bottom order. During the saccade towards the right object (interloper), it was replaced by a new object (target). We varied the relationship between interloper and target (conceptually related or unrelated) and between interloper and left object (categorically related, associated, unrelated). Target gaze durations were shorter after related than unrelated interlopers. However, this preview effect was independent of the interloper-left object relationship, suggesting that the left and right object were processed sequentially. In Experiments 2 and 3, participants named pairs of associated or unrelated objects. The left objects were repeated several times in each test block to facilitate their processing. Gaze durations for the left objects were longer in associated than unrelated pairs, consistent with parallel processing of the associated objects and interference among them. We will discuss how the difficulty of processing the objects and the relationship between them jointly determine speakers’ processing strategy.

Abstract

Individuals differ greatly on how efficiently they can retrieve words from the mental lexicon in spoken word production. Little is known about how this individual difference might be related to individual difference in other cognitive abilities. The present study investigated the relationship between individuals’ working memory capacity and their efficiency of lexical access. Speeded naming of drawings of actions and objects was used to measure the efficiency of lexical access. To assess working memory capacity, we used the Operation Span (OSPAN) task (Turner & Engle, 1989), in which participants memorize unrelated words while making judgments on simple mathematic operations. We found that action naming response time (RT) was significantly longer than object naming RT. More importantly, there was a significant negative correlation between the action naming RT and the OSPAN score. There was no correlation between object naming RT and the OSPAN score. Ex-Gaussian analyses of the RT distributions revealed that the negative relationship between OSPAN and RT was evident throughout the distributions (i.e., reflected in the Gaussian part of the distribution). These results suggest that when words are difficult to select (our verbcondition) people with larger working memory capacity outperform people with lower working memory capacity. Turner, M. L., & Engle. R. W. (1989). Is working memory capacity task dependent? Journal of Memory and Language, 28, 127-154.