Presentations

Abstract

Serial naming deficits have been identified as core symptoms of developmental dyslexia. A prominent hypothesis is that naming delays are due to inefficient phonological encoding, yet the exact nature of this underlying impairment remains largely underspecified. Here we used recordings of eye movements and word onset latencies to examine at what processing level the dyslexic naming deficit emerges: localized at an early stage of lexical encoding or rather later at the level of phonetic or motor planning. 23 dyslexic and 25 control adult readers were tested on a serial object naming task for 30 items and an analogous reading task, where phonological neighborhood density and word-frequency were manipulated. Results showed that both word properties influenced early stages of phonological activation (first fixation and first-pass duration) equally in both groups of participants. Moreover, in the control group any difficulty appeared to be resolved early in the reading process, while for dyslexic readers a processing disadvantage for low-frequency words and for words with sparse neighborhood also emerged in a measure that included late stages of output planning (eye-voice span). Thus, our findings suggest suboptimal phonetic and/or articulatory planning in dyslexia.

Abstract

Speech segmentation requires flexible mechanisms to remain robust to features such as speech rate and pronunciation. Recent hypotheses suggest that low-frequency neural oscillations entrain to ongoing syllabic and phrasal rates, and that neural entrainment provides a speech-rate invariant means to discretize linguistic tokens from the acoustic signal. How this mechanism functionally operates remains unclear. Here, we test the hypothesis that neural entrainment reflects temporal predictive mechanisms. It implies that neural entrainment is built on the dynamics of past speech information: the brain would internalize the rhythm of preceding speech to parse the ongoing acoustic signal at optimal time points. A direct prediction is that ongoing neural oscillatory activity should match the rate of preceding speech even if the stimulation changes, for instance when the speech rate suddenly increases or decreases. Crucially, the persistence of neural entrainment to past speech rate should modulate speech perception. We performed an MEG experiment in which native Dutch speakers listened to sentences with varying speech rates. The beginning of the sentence (carrier window) was either presented at a fast or a slow speech rate, while the last three words (target window) were displayed at an intermediate rate across trials. Participants had to report the perception of the last word of the sentence, which was ambiguous with regards to its vowel duration (short vowel /ɑ/ – long vowel /aː/ contrast). MEG data was analyzed in source space using beamformer methods. Consistent with previous behavioral reports, the perception of the ambiguous target word was influenced by the past speech rate; participants reported more /aː/ percepts after a fast speech rate, and more /ɑ/ after a slow speech rate. During the carrier window, neural oscillations efficiently tracked the dynamics of the speech envelope. During the target window, we observed oscillatory activity that corresponded in frequency to the preceding speech rate. Traces of neural entrainment to the past speech rate were significantly observed in medial prefrontal areas. Right superior temporal cortex also showed persisting oscillatory activity which correlated with the observed perceptual biases: participants whose perception was more influenced by the manipulation in speech rate also showed stronger remaining neural oscillatory patterns. The results show that neural entrainment lasts after rhythmic stimulation. The findings further provide empirical support for oscillatory models of speech processing, suggesting that neural oscillations actively encode temporal predictions for speech comprehension.

Abstract

Previous research indicates that general cognitive abilities, such as attention or executive control, contribute to language processing (Hartsuiker & Barkhuysen, 2006; Jongman et al., 2014; Shao et al., 2013). Potential effects of language-specific abilities, such as vocabulary, on language processing in adult native speakers have been examined less extensively. Goals: a) develop and assess measures of vocabulary size in Dutch native speakers, and b) investigate the relationship between individual differences in vocabulary and language processing.

Abstract

Listeners are continuously exposed to a broad range of speech rates. Earlier work has shown that listeners perceive phonetic category boundaries relative to contextual speech rate. It has been suggested that this process of speech rate normalization occurs across talker changes. This would predict that the speech rate of talker A influences perception of the rate of another talker B. We assessed this hypothesis by testing effects of speech rate on the perception on the Dutch vowel continuum /A/-/a:/. One participant group was exposed to 'neutral' speech from talker A intermixed with fast speech from talker B. Another group listened to the same speech from talker A, but to slow speech from talker B. We observed a difference in perception of talker A depending on the speech rate of talker B: A's 'neutral' speech was perceived as slow when B spoke faster. These findings corroborate the idea that speech rate normalization occurs across talkers, but they challenge the assumption that listeners average over speech rates from multiple talkers. Instead, they suggest that listeners contrast talker-specific rates.

Abstract

Natural conversations are characterized by smooth transitions of turns between interlocutors. For instance, speakers often respond to questions or requests within half a second. As planning the first word of an utterance can easily take a second or more, this suggests that utterance planning often overlaps with listening to the preceding speaker's utterance. A specific proposal concerning the temporal coordination of listening and speech planning has recently been made by Levinson and Torreira (2016, Frontiers in Psychology; Levinson, 2016, Trends in Cognitive Sciences). They propose that speakers initiate their speech planning as soon as they have understood the speech act and gist of the preceding utterance. However, direct evidence for simultaneous listening and speech planning is scarce. I will first review studies demonstrating that both comprehending spoken utterances and planning them require processing capacity and that these processes can substantially interfere with each other. These data suggest that concurrent speech planning and listening should be cognitively quite challenging. In the second part of the talk I will turn to studies examining directly when utterance planning in dialogue begins. These studies indicate that (regrettably) there are probably no hard-and-fast rules for the temporal coordination of listening and speech planning. I will argue that (regrettably again) we need models that are far more complex than Levinson and Torreira's proposal to understand how listening and speech planning are coordinated in conversation

Abstract

We show that language users readily learn the probabilities of novel lexical cues to syntactic information (verbs biasing towards a prepositional object dative vs. double-object dative and words biasing towards a verb vs. noun reading) and use these biases in a subsequent production task. In a one-hour exposure phase participants read 12 novel lexical items, embedded in 30 sentence contexts each, in their native language. The items were either strongly (100%) biased towards one grammatical frame or syntactic category assignment or unbiased (50%). The next day participants produced sentences with the newly learned lexical items. They were given the sentence beginning up to the novel lexical item. Their output showed that they were highly sensitive to the biases introduced in the exposure phase.
Given this rapid learning and use of novel lexical cues, this paradigm opens up new avenues to test sentence processing theories. Thus, with close control on the biases participants are acquiring, competition between different frames or category assignments can be investigated using reaction times or neuroimaging methods.
Generally, these results show that language users adapt to the statistics of the linguistic input, even to subtle lexically-driven cues to syntactic information.

Abstract

An important issue in current psycholinguistics is the relationship between the production and comprehension systems. It has been argued that these systems are tightly linked, and that, in particular, listeners use the speech production system to predict upcoming content. We tested this view using a novel version of the visual world paradigm. Participants heard mathematical equations and looked at a clock face showing the numbers 1 to 12. On alternating trials they either heard a complete equation (3+8=11) or they heard the first part (3+8) and had to produce the solution (11, target hereafter) themselves. Participants were encouraged to look at the relevant numbers throughout the trial. On listening trials, the participants typically looked at the target before the onset of target name, and on speaking trials they typically looked at the target before naming it. However, the timing of the looks to the targets was slightly different, with participants looking earlier at the target when they had to speak themselves than when they listened. This suggests that predicting during listening and planning to speak are indeed very similar but not identical. The further methodological and theoretical consequences of the study will be discussed.

Abstract

The generation of an utterance begins with event apprehension and continues with sequential linguistic
encoding of all message elements [2]. The timecourse of formulation, however, is relatively flexible and varies
with the ease of structural encoding [3]. While previous work has shown that syntactic structure may be primed
independently of thematic roles across sentences [1], here we tested whether exposure to conceptually similar
events interacts with structural processes to facilitate the mapping of a message onto a sentence.

Abstract

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Abstract

Recently many authors have stressed that domain-general cognitive processes may affect performance in linguistic tasks. This challenges the traditional view that speaking and listening are fairly modular processes. Going beyond this broad claim, we aim to determine exactly how domain-general processes influence linguistic processes. In the present study we examined the influence of selective inhibition (invoked to suppress responses to potent competitors to target stimuli and taking some time to build up) on performance in two classic word production tasks, the semantic blocking task (naming sets of objects that do vs. do not belong to the same semantic category) and the pictureword interference task (naming pictures accompanied by categorically related vs. unrelated words). Both tasks were completed by the same participants. Analyses of the size of the interference effects for fast and slower responses (using delta plots) and of the correlations of the effect sizes in the two tasks demonstrated that selective inhibition was recruited in both tasks. We propose that the process supported by selective inhibition is lemma selection. We discuss the implications for theories concerning the origin of the interference effects in the two paradigms and the nature of lexical selection processes.

Abstract

Multiple syntactic alternatives are often available to express one message. One of the factors driving the
choice for a syntactic frame is verb bias. This study focuses on the role of verb bias in the process of selecting
a syntactic frame for dative sentences. While some verbs are typically used with one structure (e.g.,
voorleggen [submit] and the prepositional object dative in Dutch), other verbs have a weaker bias towards one
syntactic frame (e.g., voorstellen [propose]): the latter can be used interchangeably in the prepositional object
dative (PD) and double-object dative (DO) construction, and thus allows for some degree of syntactic flexibility
during production. On one view, syntactic flexibility may facilitate production because it enables speakers to fill
the post-verbal sentence slots with either a direct object or an indirect object (the incremental view), while on a
different view, flexibility can lead to competition between structural alternatives, delaying the production of the
sentence until this competition is resolved (the competition view)1. The two views make opposite predictions
regarding the production of sentences featuring verbs with different biases. The incremental view predicts
shorter verb onsets for sentences featuring weak-bias verbs than strong-bias verbs, while the competition view
predicts shorter onsets for sentences with strong-bias verbs. In addition, if the competition view holds,
sentence production may benefit from a mechanism that helps resolve competition between two syntactic
frames by suppressing one frame to enable fast selection of the other frame. We hypothesized that executive
control (EC) can mediate this selection process, facilitating structure selection in the weak verb bias condition.

Abstract

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