Presentations

Abstract

Speaking requires translating concepts into a sequence of sounds. Contemporary models of language production assume that this translation involves a series of steps: from selecting the concepts to be expressed, to phonetic and articulatory encoding of the words. In addition, speakers monitor their planned output using sensorimotor predictive mechanisms. The current work concerns phonetic encoding and the speaker's monitoring of articulation. Specifically, we test whether monitoring is sensitive to the frequency of syllable-sized representations.
We run a series of immediate and delayed syllable production experiments (repetition and reading). We exploit the syllable-frequency effect: in immediate naming, high-frequency syllables are produced faster than low-frequency syllables. The effect is thought to reflect the stronger automatization of motor plan retrieval of high-frequency syllables during phonetic encoding. We predict distinct ERP and spatiotemporal patterns for high- vs. low-frequency syllables. Following articulation, we analyse auditory-evoked N1 responses that – among other features – reflect the suppression of one's own speech. Low-frequency syllables are expected to require more close monitoring, and therefore smaller N1/P2 amplitudes. The results can be important as effects of syllable frequency stand to inform us about the tradeoff between stored versus assembled representations for setting sensory targets in the production of speech.

Abstract

Speaking requires translating concepts into a sequence of sounds. Contemporary models of language production assume that this translation involves a series of steps: from selecting the concepts to be expressed, to phonetic and articulatory encoding of the words. In addition, speakers monitor their planned output using sensorimotor predictive mechanisms. The current work concerns phonetic encoding and the speaker's monitoring of articulation. Specifically, we test whether monitoring is sensitive to the frequency of syllable-sized representations.
We run a series of immediate and delayed syllable production experiments (repetition and reading). We exploit the syllable-frequency effect: in immediate naming, high-frequency syllables are produced faster than low-frequency syllables. The effect is thought to reflect the stronger automatization of motor plan retrieval of high-frequency syllables during phonetic encoding. We predict distinct ERP and spatiotemporal patterns for high- vs. low-frequency syllables. Following articulation, we analyse auditory-evoked N1 responses that – among other features – reflect the suppression of one's own speech. Low-frequency syllables are expected to require more close monitoring, and therefore smaller N1/P2 amplitudes. The results can be important as effects of syllable frequency stand to inform us about the tradeoff between stored versus assembled representations for setting sensory targets in the production of speech.

Abstract

Producing spontaneous speech is challenging. It often contains disfluencies like repetitions, prolongations, silent pauses or filled pauses. Previous research has largely focused on the language-based factors (e.g., planning difficulties) underlying the production of these disfluencies. But research has also shown that some speakers are more disfluent than others. What cognitive mechanisms underlie this difference? We reanalyzed a behavioural dataset of 112 participants, who were assessed on a battery of tasks testing linguistic knowledge, processing speed, non-verbal IQ, working memory, and basic production skills and also produced six 1-minute samples of spontaneous speech (Hintz et al., 2020). We assessed the length and lexical diversity of participants’ speech and determined how often they produced silent pauses and filled pauses. We used network analysis, factor analysis and non-parametric regressions to investigate the relationship between these variables and individual differences in particular cognitive skills. We found that individual differences in linguistic knowledge or processing speed were not related to the production of disfluencies. In contrast, the proportion of filled pauses (relative to all words in the 1-minute narratives) correlated negatively with working memory capacity.

Abstract

Convergence broadly refers to interlocutors’ tendency to progressively sound more like each other over time. Recent empirical work has used various experimental paradigms to observe convergence in voice fundamental frequency (f0). One study used stable mean f0 over trials in a synchronous speech task with manipulated (i.e., high and low) f0 conditions (Bradshaw & McGettigan, 2021). Here, we attempted to replicate this study in Dutch. First, in a reading task, participants read 40 sentences at their own pace to establish f0 baselines. Later, in a synchronous speech task, participants read 80 sentences in synchrony with a speaker whose voice was manipulated ±2st above or below (i.e., for the high and low f0 conditions, respectively) a reference mean f0 value. The reference mean f0 value and the manipulation size were obtained across multiple pre-tests. Our results revealed that the f0 manipulation significantly predicted f0 convergence in both high f0 and low f0 conditions. Furthermore, the proportion of convergers in the sample was larger than those reported by Bradshaw & McGettigan, highlighting the benefits of stimulus optimization. Our study thus provides stronger evidence that the pitch of two talkers tends to converge as they speak together.

Abstract

The semantic interference effect in picture naming entails longer naming latencies for pictures presented with semantically related versus unrelated distractors. One factor suggested to influence the effect is word category. However, results have been inconclusive. Momma et al. (2020) used a sentence-picture interference paradigm where the sentence context (“her singing” or “she’s singing”) disambiguated the word category (noun or verb, respectively) of distractor and target, manipulating their word category match/mismatch. Semantic interference was only found when distractor and target belonged to the same word category, suggesting that syntactic category constrains lexical competition during sentence production. Considering this important theoretical conclusion, we conducted a preregistered replication study with Dutch participants, mirroring the design of the original study. In each of 2 experiments, 60 native speakers read sentences containing sentence-final distractor words that had to be interpreted as nouns or verbs, depending on the sentence context. Subsequently, they named target action pictures as either verbs (experiment 1) or nouns (experiment 2). Results of Experiment 1 showed a main effect of relatedness, suggesting a semantic interference effect regardless of word category. We discuss differences between the original and current study results with cross-linguistic differences in (de)compositional processing and frequency of distractor forms.

Abstract

Listeners are known to use contextual speech rate in processing temporally ambiguous speech sounds. For instance, a fast adjacent speech context makes a vowel sound relatively long, whereas a slow context makes it sound relatively short (Reinisch & Sjerps, 2013). Besides the local contextual speech rate, listeners also track talker-specific habitual speech rates (Reinisch, 2016; Maslowski et al., in press). However, effects of one’s own speech rate on the perception of another talker’s speech are yet unexplored. Such effects are potentially important, given that, in dialogue, a listener’s own speech often constitutes the context for the interlocutor’s speech. Three experiments tested the contribution of self-produced speech on perception of the habitual speech rate of another talker. In Experiment 1, one group of participants was instructed to speak fast (high-rate group), whereas another group had to speak slowly (low-rate group; 16 participants per group). The two groups were compared on their perception of ambiguous Dutch /A/-/a:/ vowels embedded in neutral rate speech from another talker. In Experiment 2, the same participants listened to playback of their own speech, whilst evaluating target vowels in neutral rate speech as before. Neither of these experiments provided support for the involvement of self-produced speech in perception of another talker's speech rate. Experiment 3 repeated Experiment 2 with a new participant sample, who did not know the participants from the previous two experiments. Here, a group effect was found on perception of the neutral rate talker. This result replicates the finding of Maslowski et al. that habitual speech rates are perceived relative to each other (i.e., neutral rate sounds fast in the presence of a slower talker and vice versa), with naturally produced speech. Taken together, the findings show that self-produced speech is processed differently from speech produced by others. They carry implications for our understanding of the perceptual and cognitive mechanisms involved in rate-dependent speech perception and the link between production and perception in dialogue settings.

Abstract

Interlocutors perceive phonemic category boundaries relative to talkers’ produced speech rates. For instance, a temporally ambiguous vowel between Dutch short /A/ and long /a:/ sounds short (i.e., as /A/) in a slow speech context, but long in a fast context. Besides the local contextual speech rate, listeners also track talker-specific habitual speech rates (Maslowski et al., in press). However, it is yet unclear whether self-produced speech rate modulates perception of another talker’s habitual rate. Such effects are potentially important, given that, in dialogue, a listener’s own speech often constitutes the context for the interlocutor’s speech. Three experiments addressed this question. In Experiment 1, one group of participants was instructed to speak fast, whereas another group had to speak slowly (16 participants per group). The two groups were then compared on their perception of ambiguous Dutch /A/-/a:/ vowels embedded in neutral rate speech from another talker. In Experiment 2, the same participants listened to playback of their own speech, whilst evaluating target vowels in neutral rate speech as before. Neither of these experiments provided support for the involvement of self-produced speech in perception of another talker's speech rate. Experiment 3 repeated Experiment 2 with a new participant sample, who were unfamiliar with the participants from the previous two experiments. Here, a group effect was found on perception of the neutral rate talker. This result replicates the finding of Maslowski et al. that habitual speech rates are perceived relative to each other (i.e., neutral rate sounds fast in the presence of a slower talker and vice versa), with naturally produced speech. Taken together, the findings show that self-produced speech is processed differently from speech produced by others. They carry implications for our understanding of the link between production and perception in dialogue.

Abstract

That speakers can vary their speaking rate is evident, but how they accomplish this has
hardly been studied. The effortful experience of deviating from one's preferred speaking rate
might result from shifting between different regimes (system configurations) of the speech
planning system. This study investigates control over speech rate through simulations of a
new connectionist computational model of the cognitive process of speech production, derived
from Dell, Burger and Svec’s (1997) model to fit the temporal characteristics of observed
speech. We draw an analogy from human movement: the selection of walking and running
gaits to achieve different movement speeds. Are the regimes of the speech production system
arranged into multiple ‘gaits’ that resemble walking and running?
During training of the model, different parameter settings are identified for different speech
rates, which can be conflated with the regimes of the speech production system. The
parameters can be considered to be dimensions of a high-dimensional ‘regime space’, in
which different regimes occupy different parts of the space.
In a single gait system, the regimes are qualitatively similar, but quantitatively different.
They are arranged along a straight line through regime space. Different points along this axis
correspond directly to different speaking rates. In a multiple gait system, the arrangement of
the regimes is more disperse, with no obvious relationship between the regions associated
with each gait.
After training, the model achieved good fits in all three speaking rates, and the parameter
settings associated with each speaking rate were different. The broad arrangement of the
parameter settings for the different speaking rates in regime space was non-axial, suggesting
that ‘gaits’ may be present in the speech planning system.

Abstract

In recent years, the theory that prediction is an important part of language processing has gained considerable attention (see Huettig, 2015, for overview). There is a large body of empirical evidence which suggests that language users’ ability to anticipate interlocutors’ upcoming utterances is one of the reasons why interactive speech can be so effortless, smooth, and efficient in nature (e.g. Wicha et al., 2004; van Berkum et al., 2005). The present study aimed to investigate whether the language production module is affected by prediction of another individual’s utterances using a joint language production task designed to establish whether simulation of an interlocutor’s utterance occurs automatically, even if this hinders one’s own speech production. The experiment aimed to replicate the finding of an interference effect in a joint naming task (Gambi et al., 2015), and investigate whether the same patterns could be found within a clearer social context where a partner was co-present in the same room. Participants named pictures of objects while their partners concurrently named or categorised congruent or incongruent stimuli. Analyses of naming onset latencies indicate that individuals may partially co-represent their partner’s utterances and that this shared representation influences language production. Congruency in task and stimuli display facilitated naming compared to incongruent trials which showed a tendency to impede production latencies. This finding of a social effect in a setting where simulation of language content is not necessary may suggest that some kind of anticipatory processing is an underlying feature of comprehension.

Abstract

Previous work on memory phenomena shows that pictures and words lead to a production effect, i.e. better memory for aloud than silent items, and that this interacts with the picture superiority effect, i.e. better memory for pictures than words (Fawcett, Quinlan and Taylor, 2012). We investigated the role of the generation effect, i.e. improved memory for generated words, in picture naming. As picture naming requires participants to think of an appropriate label, a generation effect might be elicited for pictures but not words. Forty-two participants named pictures silently or aloud and were given the correct picture name or an unreadable label; all conditions included pictures to control for the picture superiority effect. Memory was then tested using a yes/no recognition task. We found a production effect (p < 0.001) showing the role of articulation in memory, a generation effect (p < 0.001) showing the role of lexical access in memory, and an interaction (p <0.05) between the two suggesting the non-independence of the effects. Ongoing work further tests the role of label reliability in eliciting these effects. This research demonstrates a role for the generation effect in picture naming, with implications for memory asymmetries at different stages in language production.